While
reversing major elements of the Harper Conservatives’ approach, advocacy and
agenda might satisfy most Canadians, the new Liberal government has an opportunity
to achieve far more, and no where more so than in international affairs.
However
to have a major impact, it needs to focus on what really matters in a way that
makes a difference. It is far too easy to get bogged down in numerous files and
details that appear important at the time, and end up with little to show for
it.
Given
that trade, environmental, immigration, military and other files are headed by
competent ministers, Global Affairs Canada ought to identify and priorize at
least three key diplomatic areas where Canada has a vested interest, expertise
and a reasonable chance of success, and then work on them simultaneously in
order to have a chance at a breakthrough in at least one of them.
Each
will take imagination, boldness, empathy, alliance building, strategizing, persuasion,
tactical flexibility, perseverance and finesse. Here are three such areas:
The Artic
Instead
of pseudo gunboat diplomacy, dropping off flags, liquor and plaques, we ought
to exemplify peaceful resolution of conflicts with our friend and alley,
Denmark, regarding our territorial dispute over Hans Island, and with the
United States concerning the North-West Passage and other territorial waters.
We
should pursue direct negotiations, with or without mediation, or agree to submit
the cases to the International Court of Justice or other settlement mechanisms,
with the aim of resolving our lingering differences before attempting to solve multiple
conflicting claims over the wider Artic.
Ukraine
Canada
has nearly 150 years of experience as a plurinational, multicultural country,
and some 50 years dealing with secessionist movements. Throughout this period,
the country has used a combination of measures to bring a diverse citizenry to prefer
to live together, such as a federated division of powers, official bilingualism
and multiculturalism, improvements in living standards, universal social
programs, equalization payments, immigration reform, language legislation,
charter rights and more.
With
a population composed primarily of ethnic Ukrainians (78%) in its central and
western regions and ethnic Russians (17%) in the east and south, Ukraine is currently
a unitary state with one official language and a disgruntled Russian minority
that is convinced it is discriminated against. Are there any lessons learned
from our experience that could be adapted to their context?
Israel-Palestine
The likely
contours of a comprehensive settlement have been known for decades, no matter
the official bluster and posturing prior to negotiations. What have usually
been lacking are an acceptable offer, sufficient security and implementation guarantees,
and a willingness to complete a final deal.
Enter
the carrot: a fair and lasting peace agreement, billion-dollar promises in compensation,
aid and investment, Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreements with the EU
and other trade pacts, NATO membership for Israel if desired, UN-recognized
security forces within Palestine for their and Israel’s protection for a time, and
mutual and international recognition of the two states including by the Arab
League.
And
the stick: a deadline to complete their negotiations after which time, if
unsuccessful, the parties would have to accept binding arbitration by a
mutually agreed upon body. Protracted disputes that have severe repercussions
far beyond the direct parties involved cannot be allowed to go on forever, let
alone worsen.
Others
may have a different set of priorities and possibilities such as remodelling
the UN Security Council, based on our experience at crafting the G20, or mobilizing
sufficient aid for Syrian refugees in neighbouring states that have had little
help or hope, and are forced to seek refugee elsewhere at great peril.
We
do need to start the discussion and planning early so as not to squander this
opportunity at making a Canadian dent in the universe, not unlike Lester B.
Pearson’s proposed UN Peacekeeping Force that earned him a Nobel Peace Prize,
and that should satisfy Canadians even more.
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Robert M. David teaches at the School of International Development and
Global Studies, University of Ottawa, and was a federal Liberal candidate in
2009 and 2011. The opinions
expressed in this article are entirely his own.
