(Wonkish)
As parliamentarians and experts from over 40 countries
are taking part in a three-day conference in Ottawa starting today, November 7th,
entitled 2010 Conference on Combating
Antisemitism,” hosted by the Inter-Parliamentary Coalition for Combating
Antisemitism (ICCA) with support from the Government of Canada, I wish to
submit the following observations and recommendations for your consideration.
Let me start by saying where I come from. Born in 1952
and raised in multicultural and somewhat segregate Montreal, I have worked in
international cooperation most of my adult life, which includes economic and
social development, peacebuilding and the promotion and protection of human
rights. Although I presently teach the subject part-time at three Canadian
universities, I worked in NGOs most of my life, such as Oxfam, SUCO and
Alternatives, until 2007.
The latter organization had many Canadian government funded
development and peacebuilding projects in the Middle East and elsewhere. In so
doing, I worked in or on over 40 different countries on five continents through
the years, including Afghanistan, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Pakistan, West
Bank and Gaza Strip. Finally, and in the spirit of disclosure, I was a Liberal
candidate in the 2009 federal by-election in the riding of Hochelaga.
By submitting the present paper, for which I am solely
responsible, I hope to contribute both to the Conference’s goal “to learn about
the most effective ways to combat antisemitism around the world” and to CPCCA’s
related objectives:
·
To identify and define the nature of antisemitism in
Canada today.
·
To analyze, as far as evidence allows, the extent
of the problem.
·
To make practical recommendations as to how the
problem can be addressed.
To guide this analysis, the paper will focus on the
four points found under the question, “Why is it necessary for Canada to conduct an
inquiry into antisemitism?,” contained in the Q&A section of CPCCA’s Web
site:
1. The extent and severity of antisemitism is
widely regarded as at its worst level since the end of the Second World War.
2. The problem is increasingly widespread affecting
societies and individuals around the world.
3. Antisemitism is being manifested in a manner
which has never been dealt with before.
4. It is key that we gain insight into the problem
of antisemitism locally, before we convene and find solutions globally.
From the outset however, I wish to say that I
wholeheartedly agree with the Honourable Irwin
Cotler, Canadian Member of Parliament, co-founder and chair of the ICCA, that, “Antisemitism
is the oldest and more enduring of hatreds – ‘a lethal obsession’ as it has
been called – which has caused untold catastrophes. As it has been said ‘while
it may begin with Jews, it doesn’t end with Jews.’ We ignore antisemitism at
our peril.”
I apologize ahead of time if any of these observations
and suggestions has already been made in depth, as I do not have access to the
previous submissions, nor did I attend many of CPCCA’s public hearings.
The recent past
The first point made is that “The extent and severity of antisemitism is
widely regarded as at its worst level since the end of the Second World War.” I
believe this statement needs to be dissected as many things have improved for
Jewish people here and abroad since 1945, whereas the situation has severely deteriorated
in other areas.
I do this because I believe it is important to have a better
understanding and an accurate picture of where we were in 1945, what has been
achieved since then, and where we are today, in order to find the right series
of solutions to this persistent challenge, and not unduly frighten some of our
own senior citizens who have lived through some of the worst of times.
On the positive side, I would argue that Western countries, including
Canada, were far more racist and discriminatory toward Jews and other identifiable
groups, particularly visible minorities, than they are today, whether based on
ethnicity, race, colour, national origin, culture, language, gender or sexual
orientation. Sixty-five years ago, most nations of Europe for example were not
the liberal democracies we have today, but rather were based on ethnic
nationalism. Indeed segregation policies were often institutionalized, such as access
to religious-denominated public schools, voting rights, membership in business
institutions and private clubs, social services and housing, and job
opportunities in the public and private sectors, to name just a few.
This pernicious philosophy ultimately led to the Holocaust, perpetrated by
Germany with the willing participation of too many in other European countries
and the refusal to admit Jewish refugees in safe countries such as Canada. It
also led to the creation of the State of Israel for the Jewish people, as a
safe haven for all those of the Jewish faith and for the protection and
promotion of Jewish culture.
This type of outright, institutionalized discrimination is, thankfully,
a thing of the past for the most part in Western Europe and North America,
among other countries. This does not mean antisemitism, racism and
discrimination do not still exist or that extremist forces are not trying to
regain lost ground, but it is heartening to see that, contrary to what we
witnessed previously when outright acts or statements of racism occurred,
today’s institutional representatives, political leaders and opinion makers for
the most part bounce on and denounce such acts and statements. Indeed such acts
and discrimination are now illegal and the laws usually enforced, backed by a
series of defence mechanisms and institutions.
The dream that many Jews and others shared and
fought and sometimes died for before and after WWII, to turn their countries
into liberal democracies, has for the most part been incrementally achieved after
many decades in Western Europe, Canada, the U.S., and a number of other
countries.
However, as with other recognized rights, forces often reappear to
challenge, diminish and withdraw equality rights, partly because underlying
prejudices remain within segments of the population and/or are encouraged and
manipulated. We have seen over the last decade or more the growth of xenophobic
parties and policies in a number of Western countries, particularly against
Muslims, Roma, people of colour, and in some cases Jews as well. This is
not necessarily the same as actions taken against illegal immigration and false
refugee claims. Canada and the U.S. are not immune to these tendencies,
unfortunately.
Reported individual and small-group statements and acts of antisemitism
have also grown during this latest period within Western societies, and antisemitism
has expanded and shifted to other groups and movements in countries surrounding
the State of Israel and elsewhere. As CPCCA states in its second point above, “The
problem is increasingly widespread affecting societies and individuals around
the world.”
New
forms of antisemitism
The third reason given to conduct such an
inquiry is that, “Antisemitism is being manifested in a manner which has never
been dealt with before.” By this the CPCCA means, as spelt out in the About Us
section of its Web site:
“Antisemitism is not a new problem; however recorded
incidents of antisemitism have been on the rise internationally.
Furthermore, the problem is now being manifested in ways never experienced
before. While accusations of blood libel or petty vandalism are still issues
for the Jewish community, new fears have arisen especially for those who
support the State of Israel. For example, on some university campuses, Jewish
students are being threatened and intimidated to the point that they are not
able to express pro-Israel sentiments freely, or are even fearful to wear a
Jewish skull cap or Jewish Star of David around their necks.”
While antisemitism existed long before the
founding of the State of Israel, there is little doubt however that the
Arab-Israeli conflict has led to or brought out greater antisemitism, anti-Arab
racism, and islamophobia.
Let me first state the positive side that, in my view, there is today far greater sympathy for the
Jewish people and support for their rights in Canada, the U.S. and elsewhere
than say 50 years ago. There is also much support for the right of the Jewish
people to have their own state, the State of Israel, which goes well beyond the
Jewish community and the so-called “Jewish lobby.” I would even say that this
level of sympathy is much higher than that accorded Palestinians and their
cause. In fact, the very mention of the latter often provokes recoil,
apprehension and questioning of true motive, outside of “pro-Palestinian”
circles. There is nevertheless enough lingering antisemitism within the population,
which criticisms and events can bring forth, to warrant that we take it
seriously and try to counter it.
Is there antisemitism within the “pro-Palestinian”
side in Canada, including social organizations, NGOs, solidarity groups, and
political parties? The easy but unscientific answer is undoubtedly with some
people, but the true answer in my view is that we do not know to what extent. I
would doubt the reliability of polls on this issue, as most would shy away from
stating their own anti-Semitic biases, because of the stigma associated with it
and to hide one’s true motive.
So again we need to dissect the issue in order
to get a better understanding of the problem and how to confront it. We can
take for granted that Jewish citizens that are very critical of Israeli policy
are not anti-Semitic. These include such public figures as Noam Chomsky, Judy
Rebick, Naomi Klein and Warren Allmand, and others who are not known. Many of
them are also engaged in social organizations, solidarity groups and NGOs that
reflect their views as general members, Board and Executive Committee members,
staff or volunteers.
In my own experience within the international
cooperation NGO community working in or on the Middle East over some thirty
years, I have only heard one outright anti-Semitic comment (and that was over
25 years ago) and only a few questionable ones (e.g. referring to a Jewish
lobby). Although many of them are highly critical of Israeli government policy,
none advocate the destruction of the State of Israel or the use of violence
against it. In fact all of them support a two-state solution where both Israel
and Palestine would live side-by-side in peace and security within recognized
borders. While it is impossible to know what people hold in their heart of
hearts if they hide it, I have not been witness to outright anti-Semitic statements
or acts within the NGO community.
One of the dangers is the advocacy for the
“right of return” of Palestinian refugees if within present-day Israel, which could
effectively end it as a Jewish state, but most understand that is unlikely to
happen (more can be said on this). Another danger is that heavy criticism of
Israeli policy can be perceived as anti-Semitic and can bring out old, or
foment new, antisemitism sentiments within the population, which in some cases
can lead to anti-Semitic statements and acts, and makes it that much harder to
find compromise solutions. Note however that if these groups do not denounce
Palestinian violence as often or as strongly as some would prefer, it is most
often because they do not want to distract from what they perceive as the fundamental
cause of the conflict at this time, which is the non-agreement on an acceptable
and final two-state solution.
The final and perhaps bigger danger and error in
my judgement comes from a small number of leftists who propose to legitimize
the armed resistance by any means or even strike an alliance with Islamists
because they either erroneously consider them to be “progressive” and/or
strategic partners to bring about whatever end game they prefer. This is not a
new approach and it has usually failed in the past. In passing, I also consider
it a huge strategic mistake for secular conservatives to strike alliances with
the religious right and even support Islamists on occasion to achieve short
term gains against secular leftist nationalists (e.g. support of the Mujahedeen
in Afghanistan or the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt).
The threats and verbal or physical intimidation
towards Jewish students referred to above, when and where they occur, come most
likely from some individual extremists and marginal groups who, on this and
other issues, try to confront, intimidate, and silence all opponents. This in
itself is undemocratic and deplorable, and has no place on campuses, nor the
more limited attempts to drown out certain speakers regardless of which side
engages in it. It is all the more indefensible and a clear sign of antisemitism
if identifiable Jewish students are verbally or physically attacked because
these extremists assume they are pro-Israelis. Indeed “Antisemitism represents
a break from Canadian values, which promote the rights of all individuals to
practice their religion, educate themselves, and express themselves with
security and freedom,” as
stated on CPCCA’s Web site.
The Annual Israel Apartheid Week on Canadian
campuses last March was a culminating point and lead to severe polarization and
confrontation, attracting legitimate critics on both sides of the issue and possibly some of these less-than democratic
forces (I did not attend, so cannot say for sure). I suspect it is in part these
types of events and harsh (some would say unfair) criticism and comparison, bringing
together disparate groups and indistinguishable motives, that led to the
following statement in the London Declaration which associates Israeli
opposition and antisemitism: “We are alarmed at the resurrection of the old
language of prejudice and its modern manifestations – in rhetoric and political
action – against Jews, Jewish belief and practice and the State of Israel.”
For the Jewish community and outside observers,
it is impossible to know whether all or any of this opposition to Israel is
legitimate dissent or if it finds its roots in antisemitism. And with the past history
of antisemitism still fresh in their minds, it is not hard to understand their
concern, desire to investigate, and mobilize to counter it, as this conference
and the CPCCA attempts to do.
I hope that these few lines have contributed to the
fourth and final point stated in the
introduction: “It is key that we gain insight into the problem of antisemitism
locally, before we convene and find solutions globally.”
Recommendations
To contribute to finding of solutions and the stated desire to “develop
meaningful suggestions on how to combat it [antisemitism] both locally and
globally,” here are a few recommendations which may be applicable outside of
Canada as well:
1. Provide an open national forum and outlet for
groups to come together and work on peacebuilding initiatives, including
proposing acceptable compromise solutions and better Canadian government
policies to achieve such ends. And promote empathy and a toning down of severe
rhetoric coming from both sides of the issue.
2. If a course on ethics and religious cultures for
high school students is deem highly useful to Quebec society, a similar course/presentation,
televised and online, with information package ought to be made available and
disseminated to the wider adult population that has never received such
instruction during its own schooling, whether in Canada or elsewhere, aimed at
combating all forms of racism and prejudice. This may be done simultaneously
with an annual anti-racism educational campaign, aimed at youth and adults
alike, designed and run by legitimate organizations with experience in this
area.
3. Since ignorance often leads to apprehension and
fear, and since most people have never set foot in another religious
institution than one’s own, I suggest that we hold an open door three-day
weekend of all religious establishments aimed not at converting visitors, but
at informing the general public about the denomination’s beliefs and practices,
with a good Q&A exchange.
4. Keep tabs on and counter anti-Semitic statements asap
after they are said, particularly those uttered by people in position of
authority such as religious and political leaders.
5. Organize a sensitization campaign to explain in no
uncertain terms that Islamist and other religious extremist movements are not
progressive movements, but rather far-right conservative political movements
bent on establishing religious states, not liberal democracies. The campaign should also encourage groups and
citizens, whatever their political philosophy, not to associate or ally with
such far-right religious movements or parties, nor support their “right to all
forms of resistance.”
It would be a pleasure to discuss this further
with members and participants, and answer any questions you may have.
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Robert M. David teaches international development and globalization at the University of Ottawa and Concordia University. He was a Liberal candidate in a federal by-election in 2009.
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Robert M. David teaches international development and globalization at the University of Ottawa and Concordia University. He was a Liberal candidate in a federal by-election in 2009.